The North Platte semi-weekly tribune. (North Platte, Neb.) 1895-1922, October 02, 1908, Image 8

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    ION LABOR REJECTS
GQMPERS BRYAN PLEA
Protests Against Attempted Whole
sale Delivery of Votes from
All Over Country.
Labor Lenders and Press Show that
the Democratic Party Has Not
Been the Friend of Labor and
There Is Nothing to
Assure a Conver
sion. Men prominent In the trade union
movement ts ml Hcorcs who nr expert
need mid trusted officials of labor or
ganizations nil over tho country have
it lid nrc declaring themselves emphat
ically against the cnndldncr of Drynn
for President of tho country. Muny
unions and central unions an; refusing
outright to Indorse tho course dictated
for them by Hamuel Gompcrs.
This opposition has Ikm-ii staled In
the iiuiHt vigorous and convincing terms
and thin fact shows conclusively that
President Gompcrs did an Inexpedient,
a foolish and Impulsive act when he
launched out on a Democratic cam
palyuhig lour In the name of the Ainer
Itau Federation of Labor.
Few men have been longer heforc the
public iih a proiulneut olllclal of the
trade union movement than William
Little, one of tho leading national or
ganlzcrs of the United Mine Workers
of America. Ilu Is an able man nnd
not only Is he well Informed relative to
trade union history nnd principles, hut
he Ik a iiiaii of an extensive general
knowledge. He Is most 'emphatically
opposed to Hrynii and to the cffortH of
leading ofllcluts of the American Fed
crntlon of "Labor In trying to take trade
unions Into partisan politics. During
Jtu Interesting Interview he wild:
Democratic) Hula In (ho .South.
"I wish to state that from a trade
union standpoint I have nothing to say
against President (Jumpers, hut I nm
most strenuously opposed to his efforts
to have a man llko Itrynn and the
Democratic party elected to govern our
Country, To me the departure of Mr.
(lumpers In this respect is one of the
most rcmarkahle In the history of the
trade union movement, for I personally
know that wherever we find Demo
cratic rule we llnd our wage workers
lu the most deplorable moral, social
nnd material conditions.
"The Democrats govern the South
nnd this Is the party that President
('omrs wants to have lu power In the
north nnd the west also. God forhld
he succeeds. Oh, If the wage workers
of this great country only knew what
I nnd many others who have worked
for trade unionism In the .Southern
States know not a single vote would be
cast for Hryau or tho Democrats liy
working men next fall. Why have
President (Jumpers, Hryan and others
of their present campaign been so long
r.llent about this Democrat rule lu the
south? Why are they Hllent now about
It? Is It not reasonable to think that
conditions all over the country will de
generate to the level of those In the
nouth If tho nation Is to ho ruled liy
Democrats? I believe It Is.
"I defy successful contradiction when
I say that Democratic rule lu the south
Is hellish ruin. Thousands of persons
have been disfranchised; human beings
have been hunted by bloodhounds and
benten with clubs with the full knowl
edge of the Democratic rulers there.
The peonage system, the hellish curse
of the wnge worker, holds sway there
nnd Is protected by Democratic rule;
child labor with all of Its damning .and
fearful consequences Is an Institution
there and Is upheld most determinedly
by Democratic nilo there. I could go
on and on reciting the revolting condl
Hons there, hut I think I hnve said
enough to convince any reasonable man
that we must as wage workers keep
clear of Democratic rule. Let any one
who doubts my word wrlt,o to my
friend Duiicnn McDonald and he will
more than verify every word I have
said."
t'lilons llrjrct tho llrymi Vlen.
Upon receipt of a letter from Hani
uel Gompcrs asking for support In his
(ampalgn for the Democratic party,
United llrotherhood of Carpenters and
Joiners of America, Local No. It'J, of
Ilrooklyn, ordered Secretary A. J. Joos
to answer, stating that It was not will
lug to follow any III ndvlce, even If It
has come from the executive council of
the A. l- of L.
A press dispatch from New Haven,
Conn., reads as follows:
"Clgnrinakers' Union, Local III), of
this city put themselves on record iih
being opjKised to President (lumpers'
endorsement of the Democratic party."
Clgarmakors' unions of New York
nnd Chicago have taken a similar po
lltlcnl stand to that of the above union
President Couipers Is himself a mum
lwr of the Clga Hunkers' Union.
The Journeyman linkers' and Con
fectloners International Union througl
Its otllchtl organ has Issued 11 statement
to bo sent to the various national
unions throughout tho country, In
which It disagrees with the decision
reached nt a conference of the editors
of tho olllclal organs of nil national
unions held recently to agree on a po
llttcol policy In coming out for Hryan
The Maryland Htate Federation of
Labor, at Its fourth annual meeting
nt Ilugerstowu, which adjourned Hep
nn.
Tho Tcrro Unuto Lodge of Iron and
Mm - , ...
But Mr. Wntterson has undertaken
-From the Philadelphia Inquirer,
Steel Workers, the strongest trade or
ganization lu the Central Union of
Torre Haute. Iud., unanimously re
fused to Indorse the views of Samuel
W. (Jumpers on the presidential candi
dacy, deciding to let Its members vote
as they please. The Central Union so
far has refused to tnko up the mat
ter.
I'rotput from I.rnilrrn mill l'rr.
Frank A. Kldd, president of Colum
bia Typographical Union No. 101. of
Washington, D. C, takes exception to
the effort by Saiuuel Gompcrs to bring
tho labor vote Into Hue for William J.
Hryan.
"Now that Goinpers has announced
his programme," says he, "I do not
know that anything need be said. How
ever, members of unions, llko other
citizens, will exercise their Individual
preference at tho polls, nnd aro more
than likely to be" guided by their party
predilections than by the political pot
pourri prepared by olllcers of the Fed
eration of Ijibor. Unionism Is not a
political question, nor cuu unions its a
body be swept Into any political camp."
Commenting on Mr. Hryap's Labor
Day visit to Chicago, the Hulldlng
Trudes, the olllclal organ of tho Asso
ciated Hullillng Trades of Chicago and
Cook county, although a Hryan sup
porter, says Hryan was buncoed when
he visited Chicago. I'dltorlully the pa
per declares that the whole affair look
(Ml tike an attempt to punish organ
izations that the Federation could not
control, rather than u celebration of
the annual holiday of labor, concluding
with the statement: "It was not a
vote-making day; It was n vote-losing
program."
The Labor World of Pittsburg In a
recont editorial said: "It Is ex
tremely unfortunate for the trade
union movement that President Gom
pors has reduced himself to tho level
of a mere common, political haranguer
and ngltator. He has descended to the
level of the methods of the thorough
going professional political spouter. The
latter Invariably lives by besmearing
thd characters of others nlid Imputing
nil kinds of dishonest motives to his
opponents. This Is what President
Gompcrs has done nnd Is doing now
that he units himself entangled In n
net the Intricacies of which he had no
Idea when ho set out on his Democratic
campaigning."
Tatt Ural Krlrntl ol Labor.
The reasons of the International
Hrotherhood of Steam Shovel and
Iirortgciuen for electing William II.
Tuft nn honorary member were given
lu a letter from T. J. Dolun, General
Secretary-Treasurer of the union, to
President Gompcrs of the American
Federation of Labor. The letter says
"During tho hist session of Congress
Mr. Tuft and six Congressmen three
Itcpuhllcnns nnd three Democrats
helped us to make a tight to keep
wages up tit Panama, and nil these men
wore elected us honorary members of
our brotherhood ut the time. There Is
tin politics In this matter as far as our
orgnnliutlon Is concerned. Of course,
xj appreciate very much the efforts of
these men lu helping us to keep up the
wage- of our members, nnd It Is only
quits natural that wo should wish
them to rocelvo political success."
Chnua-liitf Imludrla! Coudltloua,
III tho ten years which has cliipsec
since tint enactment of the Dlngley
Tariff, the conditions hare so changed
as to make n number of tho schedules
under that tariff too high and souio too
low. This renders It necessary to re
examine the schedules In order thut the
tariff shall be placed on a purely pro
tectlve basis. Hy that I mean It should
properly protect, against foreign com
petition, nnd afford a reasonable protlt
to all manufacturers, farmers, and
business men, but should not bo so high
as to furnish a temptation to tho forma
tlou of monopolies to appropriate th
iiudiio profit of excessive rates. lion
Win. II. Tuft, ut Kiuisaa City, Mo.
A ROCKY ROAD TO TRAVEL.
to make it all smooth for the "Peerless.'
SHERMAN FOR PROTECTION
Experience Has Demonstrated that
a Protective Tariff Means Pros
perity. (From Sherman's Speech of Accept
ance.) First, then, let me sny thnt I nm n
protectionist. I am sulllclently practi
cal to value the utllty of u fact higher
thnn tho Oenuty of a theory, and I nm
a protectionist because experience has
demonstrated that the application of
thnt prlnclplo tins lifted us us a nation
to a plane of prosperity above that oc
cupied by any other people.
I especially commend that plunk of
our platform which promises an early
revision of tariff schedules. Thnt pledge
will be fulfilled In nn adjustment based
In every particular upon the brond
principles of protection for nil Ameri
can Interests; alike for labor, for capi
tal, for producers and consumers. Tho
Dlngley bill, when enacted, was well
adapted to tho then existing conditions,
The developments of Industrlnl pros
perity lu a decade, which In volume
and degree have surpassed our most
roseate expectations, have so altered
conditions that In certain details of
schedules they no longer lu every par
ticular mete out Justice to nil. In this
(adjustment tho prlnclplo of protec
tion must and will govern; such duties
must nnd will be Imposed us will equal
ize the cost of production nthome and
abroad and Insure u reasonable protlt
to all American Interests. The Hcptib-
I lean Idea of such n profit embraces not
alono the manufacturer, nor nlone the
capital invested, but nil engaged lu
iuerlenn production, the employer nnd
employed, tho artisan, the farmer, the
miner nnd those engaged In transporta
tion and trndo; broadly speaking, those
engaged In every pursuit nnd calling
which our tnrlff directly or indirectly
affects. During u stntutory application
of this principle, prosperity has abided
with us. When a revenue tariff has
been the law, adversity nnd want have
been our portion. Our Democratic
brethren, whoso memories are ns short
as their promises are frail, and who
have always exhibited n lack of capncl-
ty to protlt by experience, unmindful of
tho distress nnd destruction that ar
rived and departed with the last Demo
cratic administration, declare lu their
platform that they favor such Imme
diate revision of schedules
as inuy bo necessary to restore tho
tariff to a revenue basts." A "revenue
basis," a "tariff for revenue only,""ultl-
inato free trade all have un Idontl
cal meaning; that meaning being an as
sault upon tho American Industries, nn
attack upon the American wage scale,
a lessening demand for the products of
American soil and American toll ; less
work, less pay, less of the necessaries
of mid comforts of life, lu the light
of history, what Issue of the campaign
so vitally affects Anierlcnn citizens?
'"xporloneo, that effective teacher ef
fectlve save with the one-man power
now parading under the title of the
Democratic party has taught the nn
tlou u valuable lesson and the result
of tho comlug November election will
once more prove the American people
to be apt scholars. Whut tho laborer
of the hind, skilled and unskilled, de
sires Is the opportunity at all times to
cxhuugo his brain and brawn for good
pay in good money. A protective tar
Iff and the gold standard, both now the
existing achievements of the Hcpuhtl
can party, in spite of Democratic (repo
sition, give the laborer that opportitnl
ty.
Xulloiinl Honor Ktnlllheil,
When lu UHX) the Gold Standard was
established by the Hepubllcan party, lu
spite of Democratic opposition, It com
pleted and perfected Its record as re
gards our national honor and imrtv
nonor in meeting in inn every timiuelal
obligation. Hon. Jiutuca S. Sherman
To '
SEVEN GOOD REASONS.
A Partial List of the Items Com
posing Logical Opposition to
Bryan.
(From the Omnhn Hoe.)
Mr. Hryun's Commoner hns boHed
down Into nine paragraphs the reasons
why tho Democratic candidate should
Ihj preferred by the voters. Here are
seven paragraphs showing why each o
Mr. Hryan s reasons are invalid:
First. Mr. Hryan Is estopped from
accusing tho Hepubllcan party of fall-
tug to provide for electing United
States Senators by popular vote. Ne
braska has n provision for securing
from the people nn expression of choice
on United States Senator, but when
Mr. Hryan was n cnndldnte for Senator
In 1!K)1 ho refused to submit his candi
dacy to popular vote.
Second. .Mr. Hryan Is estopped from
accusing tho Hepubllcan Congress of
falling to pass n law for campaign pub
licity. Every Democratic member of
the Houso voted ngalnat the publicity
law that was passed by Itepubllcans
slinply because It Included n provlslou
for nn Inquiry Into Democratic disfran
chisement of the negro In tho South.
Third. Mr. Hrynn Is estopped from
accusing the itepubllcnn Congress for
falling to pass a postal savings bank
bill. He has professed to favor postal
savings bnnks for years, but now says
he will favor It only in case his guar
anty deposit scheme proves n failure.
rourth. Mr. Hryan Is estopped
from chnrglng the Itepubllcnn Congress
with passing n currency bill "encour-
nglng speculative banking" when his
own deposit guaranty scheme would
throw tho door wide open to wild-cat
banking.
Fifth. Mr. nrynn's charge of des
potic rule by the Speaker of tho House
of Ilepresentntlvcs Is best answered by
the unprecedented record of reform
legislation enacted during tho Roosevelt
administration.
Sixth. Mr. Hrynn should be es
topped tnlklng about the cost of living
Increasing faster thnn wages because
under the last Democratic administra
tion the trouble was to get any wages
nt nil. Incidentally tho trutli of the
Hryau assertion may be challenged.
Seventh. Mr. Hryan's reference to
the Republican position on the tariff is
pure buncombe. The Itepubllcans favor
revision whenever changed conditions
require, while Mr. Hryan wants to go
through a continuous performance of
plecc-ineal reduction that would para
lyze all our Industries.
TAFT'S INJUNCTIONS.
President Describos Thorn as Char
ters of Liberty for All.
I ask that every responsible and fair-
minded labor leader, every responsible
and fair-minded member of a labor
organization, read these (Tuft's) lu
Junctions for himself. If lie will do so,
Instead of condemning them he will
heartily approve of them ami will rec
ognize this further astonishing fact
that the principles laid down hy Judge
Taft In these very Injunctions, which
laboring people are asked to condemn,
nro themselves the very principles
which are now embodied lu the laws
or practices of every responsible labor
organization. The principles which ,ho
therein so wisely mid fearlessly laid
down serve ns n charter of liberty for
all of us, for wage workers, for employ
era, for the general public; for they
rest on the principles of fair dealing
for nil, of even-handed Justice for all
They mark the Judge who rendored
them as standing for the rights of the
whole people; ns far as daylight Is
from darkness, so far ts such n Judge
from tho tlmo-servcr, the truckler to
(he.inob, or the cringing tool of great,
corrupt and corrupting corporations.
President Roosevelt.
MONEY IN THE BANK,
How Depositors Are Secured
Against Loss of Funds.
A Careful Student of Finance Writes
About Banking Methods
and Principles.
(From the Chicago News.)
It Is held by advocntes of the guar
anty of bunk deposits that banking Is
a quasi-public business und therefore
thut the State should have churgc over
the banks In the interests of the people.
Grant this; but that Is no reason for
forcing one bank to gunrlintee the de
positors In another bank.
How Is It with railways? The State
controls the railways, and even claims
the right to fix the rates charged. So
with banks; the State exacts reports,
governs Investments, nnd even estab
lishes usury laws, which fix the maxi
mum rates of Interest. Hut It would
never occur to n reasonable mnn to
oblige one railway to pay damnges to n
traveler who met an Injury due to care
lessness on nnother railway under
wholly different management. Hut thnt
Is exactly what the gauaranty of bank
deposits means. It means that one well
managed, careful, small country bank
shall be called on to help pay the losses
of depositors In a large speculative
Wall street bank, and yet the former
hns no control whatever over the latter.
The recent panic scared some depos
itors, nnd they wish absolute safety In
the future. That Is what Is wanted,
even though 'they do not altogether
know whether guaranty of deposits is
the right thing or not. Very well; If
u depositor wishes absolute security he
can find It by depositing lu u safety
vault.
"Oh," says the depositor, "I want
some little Interest on my deposit, nnd
the right to draw checks, nnd yet get
absolute security, too." In short, he
wishes the privileges granted by n com
mercial bank.
That Is, the bank gives lu return for
the deposits: (1) A checking account,
by which he can make payments with
out risk of carrying money about; (12)
usually Interest on average deposits;
(3) tho collection of checks and drafts
on distant cities; (4) bookkeeping of
the account without expense, nnd (.")
the chance to borrow from the bunk
where the deposits nre made. In other
words, the public has chosen against
nbsoluto safety In a deposit vault In or
der to get the conveniences given by a
commercial bank. If so, tho public can
never have absolute sufety, and no law
enn give It.
By the very fact of being a commer
cial bnnk, un Institution must loan Its
deposits to men In Industry nnd trade,
nnd take the risks Implied In thnt pro
cess. The deposits aro as safe as the
leans to the business public no more,
no less.
If the timid depositor wishes to get
nt the center of the whole question of
the safety of his deposits lu u commer
cial bank, let him concentrate nil his
criticism, nrgiimeut und time on the
means' of Inspecting bank lonns und of
preventing doubtful or speculative op
erations by banks.
Yet, when small depositors see the
national und State governments exact
bonds ns security for deposits they
wonder why they should not have equal
protection.
Thero are two reasons why public
and prlvnte deposits should hnve differ
ent treatment: First, public deposits
are more valuable to a bank, because
they nre called upon usually at regular
uuil foreseen dates und thus u larger
percentage can be loaned during tho In
tervals than Is the case with private
deposits subject to dally checking. In
addition, It should be remembered that
public moneys are deposited by olllchils
who nro under bond to uccount for ev
ery cent turned over to them. There
Is thus a special reason for requiring
bonds ns security for public deposits.
If every private und public depositor
exacted bonds us protection all the de
posits would have to be Invested lu
bonds, thero could be no commercial
banks, Industry could get no use' of
Idle funds and the reason for u hank
would dlsapHar.
"Very well, It may be rejoined, "If
security In bonds Is Impracticable as
urged by some persons then give us a
guaranty fund of a certain small per
centage of deposits, say 1 per cent, such
as Is required in Oklahoma. That will
lie enough,"
To that It Is to be said unequivocally
and emphatically that tho national
banks now provide a largo gunranty
fund for depositors, which must be
wholly used up before u depositor can
lose a ceut. Indeed, the whole proposal
of a guaranty of deposits shows ns
founding ignorance of our banking sys
tern and banking operations.
The advocates of n guoranty them
'selves ndvertlse tho fact that In about
forty-three years of the national bank
lug system there have been losses on
an nverago to deKsitors of only about
one twenty-sixth of 1 per cent. Why
Is the loss so small? Kxactly because
the banks, under law, provide a guar
anty fund for the ultimate redemption
of deposits In (1) the total amount of
the bank's capital; (-) the surplus;
(II) the undivided profits, nnd (4) the
shareholders' liability, technically ihiumI
to the capital, but practically, about :t0
per cent of It. lu brief, the bank must
first lose un amount equal to all tuess
Items crore a depositor can loso a
cent.
For nil the (1,778 national bunks, ac
cording to the accounts of May 14, 1003,
this guaranty fund nmounted to $1,
P.'J4,470,r)81.1. As things now stand, the self-interest
of the bunk Is enlisted to do Its business
honestly, und thus Insure the drposlt
or at n great risk to the bank If It goes
wrong. What more enn be done for tho
depositor? To this the depositor may
say: "We don't wish to wait until the
bank pays off its depositors." Hut, If it
wishes the privileges of a commercial
bnnk, It must share tho delays of liquidation.
If depositors wish the privileges of a
commercial bnnk, nnd yet do not wish
to wait until nssets of a failed hunk
ure liquidated, then they can resort to
legitimate Insurance, und obtain Im
mediate redemption of deposits.
Anything can be insured If the pre
mium Is large enough to cover the risk.
Since the gunranty of deposits, obtain
ed by making all the hanks contribute
proportionally, ts manifestly unfair
because It holds a bank responslhlo for
losses over which it had uo control
then let the deimsltor go to a company
that Insures such n risk. That is a vol
untary' net, and perfectly fair.
The Insurance company will charge a
premium based on the character of the
bank's mnnugemcnt. If a man lgnor
uiitly deposits In a speculative hank,
up goes the premium; und thus the
public will be driven by business rules
to deposit lu banks which Insurance
companies will accept nt n lower pre
mium. In such u way badly managed
banks would be driven from business.
It may be said, however, that tho
bank borrows from n depositor when It
receives deposits; nnd, ns the bank ex
acts collateral and security from bor
rowers, so the bnnk should clve tho
same security to the depositor as tho
.borrower gives the bank.
If the combined banks, under n cttur-
nnty Inw, nre expected to guarantee all
depositors, then the parallel schemo
would propose thnt nil borrowers
should guarantee the banks. That sort
of guaranty by borrowers would never
be nccepted for a moment bv business
men, because good business men would
bo held liable for tho notes elvnn to
banks by poor business men, and that Is
manifestly unjust. It would bo equal
ly unjust that sound hanks should Guar
antee bad bnnks.
Hut the. real answer to the demand
that the individual bunk not alt tyunks,
good and bad together should give Its
own deiHisltor security by u guarauty
ruiHl is thut the bank does now furnish
n large fund In Its capital, surplus, etc.,
und Mint provides a working nrrance-
incut between nn Individual bank and
the depositor to whom It Is directly
rcBixinslble, without bringing In a
chimerical general scheme, which Is
nlso manifestly unjust.
Jo put tho funds of tho country into
the hands of less careful men than now
certainly would Increase wild banking.
promotions or speculative enterprises
and Intensify nil financial crises. It Is
Just the opposite of what should be era-
piinslzed In our banking In order to get
greater safety.
In truth, the safety of the denosltors
under any and all legislation primarily
depends upon whut the bank docs with
the deposits. In Oklahoma under tho
new law there will be good nnd bnd
banking, Just ns there will ho without
a guaranty system. It would be well
not to set the seal of approval on the
Oklahomn law until tho Oklnhonia
banks have successfully met a comnier
clnl crisis.
If tho banks, which rely on the In
surance of deposits to secure business,
unduly expand, then no guaranty fund
of 1 per cent of deposits will bo more
thnn a leaf before a cyclone when the
renl crisis conies. Thero Is certnln to
be some bnd banking In Oklnhonia. If
not, why was the act passed? Solely
to make the good pay for the bad.
Those who aro unwilling or uuablo
to hold their own lu tho competitive
struggle wish to be helped out by tho
State; s that the wise and careful
shall pay for the foolish and rash.
BRYAN AND WEST VIRGINIA.
Leading Negro Journal Says Ho
Cannot Win That State.
(From tho National Mirror Negro.)
Mr. Hryan's campaign managers have
made nn error In placing West Virginia
in the list of Stutes which they Insist
Mr. Hryan has u fair chance of carry
ing at tho coming election.
t Action of Di-nioc-rtilii.
The West Virginia Democrats have
declared in State convention that "tho
Democratic party Is In favor of so
amending tho constitution ns to pre
serve the ballot and the electorate of
the State from the evils resulting from
conferring such power und privilege"
upon negroes. Mr. Hryau has nothing
to say about thnt.
A few misguided negro lenders over
tho country have led Mr. Hrynn to be---lleve
that a large number of their race
will vote for him this time nnd on that
account he Is dodging the discussion of
the race question.
It Is unfortunate for the negroes of
the country that Mr. Hryan cannot dis
cuss the plans of the West Virginia
Democrats lu this campaign. He has
declared that bo cannot discuss the ne
gro question, because It was not men
tioned hi the Democratic platform.
That, of course, will prevent him from
enlightening the negro voters of tha
country as to whether he has changed
his views toward them slnco hist April,
when he niaile a speech In Saw York
In which be approved the action of tha
Southern .StalofUhut Jiavo disfranchis
ed negro voters In order to keep tho
South bolldly Democratic.